Amid many global challenges, Starmer has an opportunity to show that . In particular, with many 鈥 think or 鈥 Starmer has a chance to re-establish the U.K. as the key partner for the U.S. in Europe.
Partnership with the U.S. is a . The so-called 鈥渟pecial relationship鈥 has been strained in recent years, 鈥 the British decision to exit the European Union 鈥 which reduced U.K. influence in Europe and put the peace agreement in Northern Ireland at risk. That latter point was particularly grating , who is of Irish descent.
But translating a U.K. desire for more engagement into influence on U.S. policy will be a real challenge for Starmer. To be successful, he鈥檒l need to navigate a number of thorny issues, including U.S. electoral politics, , the and a reset with the EU. In all of these cases, addressing existing differences between London and Washington will not be straightforward.
Waiting for another election
An unavoidable fact for Starmer as he embarks on building a relationship with Washington is that he doesn鈥檛 know who he will be dealing with for the bulk of his term.
For the first time , the U.K. general election took place a mere few months before a presidential election across the Atlantic.
This could stall any significant investment in the transatlantic relationship until American voters have spoken in November.
On the surface, Starmer鈥檚 left-leaning Labour Party might welcome a Democratic win in November. Besides not having to deal with a presidential transition, the two parties are more aligned philosophically; and Starmer has .
Similarly, David Lammy, the U.K. government鈥檚 likely foreign secretary, has , referring to him as a 鈥渨oman-hating, neo-Nazi-sympathizing sociopath鈥 and a 鈥減rofound threat to the international order.鈥
Yet, the vitality of the relationship between prime minister and president has often hinged . While Labour鈥檚 Tony Blair and conservative George W. Bush worked well together, this was hardly the case for Donald Trump and Theresa May 鈥 both of whom led the establishment right-wing parties in their countries.
It remains to be seen how Starmer would fare with either of the presumed U.S. presidential contenders. But he will finally get his chance to test the waters with Biden at the NATO summit, after while leader of the U.K. opposition. Lammy, for his part, has been steadily .
Ukraine and defense
Beyond personalities, the fate of the 鈥渟pecial relationship鈥 will also depend on whether both sides can converge on some tricky issues.
The U.K. has been at the forefront of supporting Ukraine since Russia launched its full-scale invasion in 2022. Beyond , the U.K. government also signed a . Starmer is not expected to deviate from that line.
Yet, that commitment may do little to shift the U.S. on some crucial questions regarding the war. Despite the U.K. actively pushing for NATO membership for Ukraine, the Biden administration is not ready . And if Trump were to win in November, defense spending could prove yet again a bone of contention. NATO allies are pushing to raise defense spending to 2.5% of gross domestic product 鈥 but such as improving the country鈥檚 cherished National Health Service and addressing a cost-of-living crisis.
Gaza tightrope
Perhaps an even trickier issue for the new prime minister to reconcile with his counterpart in the White House will be the issue of Gaza.
After taking over as party leader in 2020, Starmer worked tirelessly to undo the legacy of his predecessor, the Jeremy Corbyn. This included going out of his way to .
But Starmer鈥檚 more pro-Israel stance in the aftermath of the Oct. 7 attacks has .
And the pivot hasn鈥檛 meant that Labour鈥檚 position on Gaza isn鈥檛 at times out of step with the White House. In particular, neither Starmer nor Lammy have condemned the International Criminal Court鈥檚 hope to seek an arrest warrant for leaders of both Israel and Hamas. Biden, for his part, .鈥
Pressure on China
China will be another very delicate test of friendship with Washington for the new U.K. government. Lammy has promised that Labour toward China to determine 鈥渨here we will need to compete, where we can cooperate and where we will need to challenge.鈥
Such an audit could help address internal divisions in the Labour Party, which is torn between supporters of better relations with Beijing and .
But the audit could be even more crucial considering the likely pressures the U.K. will face from Washington, where members of both parties strongly support geopolitical competition with Beijing. The U.K. and U.S. when it comes to China, such as over welcoming Chinese electric vehicles production or whether Beijing has committed a genocide in Xinjiang.
Ultimately, as foreign policy analyst , 鈥淭he big question for Labour is whether it believes that strategic competition is a U.S.-China story, or whether it鈥檚 something that Britain has a role to play in.鈥
Resetting EU relations
Finally, the strength of the special relationship will also come down to how well Labour can manage .
Building closer ties with its European counterparts could strengthen the U.K.鈥檚 influence, and it could serve as a hedging strategy in case Trump wins and .
Yet Labour shouldn鈥檛 automatically assume it鈥檒l find receptive partners in Europe. The scars of the Brexit negotiations, the rise of the far-right in Europe and the major crises in Ukraine and the Middle East to dedicate much effort in building ties with the new Labour government.
Starmer and his government will have an opportunity to repair the special relationship with the U.S. 鈥 but the path ahead will likely be anything but smooth. American electoral politics, and misalignment over any number of thorny challenges, could easily knock the new prime minister off course. What鈥檚 more, the fragile state of the U.K. economy will . It also means that, at least at first, Starmer will likely focus on issues at home, not abroad.
, Senior Professorial Lecturer, Co-Director Transatlantic Policy Center,
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