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In the Spring of 2024, 麻豆视频 students enrolled in conducted in-depth interviews with faculty affiliates of CHRS. The purpose of these interviews was to learn more about their scholarship, specifically how their work utilizes social science concepts, theories and/or methods as well as the importance/implications of their research for understanding broader issues related to health, risk, and society. 聽
This collection of interviews offers a window into the scholarly passions and pursuits of our faculty, highlighting both their innovative work and what led them to conduct the work they do. Through these conversations, CHRS affiliates share insights into the transformative potential of research.聽
Dr. TaLisa Carter
Assistant Professor, Department of Justice, Law & Criminology, 麻豆视频
Interviewer: Jason Davis
[A] lot of criminologists and psychologists believe that when certain fields talk about trauma, they only look at the negatives but rarely is it discussed as a pathway to something positive. Through interviewing 500 students we found a certain amount of people that said they wanted to work in the criminal justice field because of traumatic early life events like seeing a family member get locked up.
-Dr. TaLisa Carter
Read Dr. Carter's interview by Jason Davis
Tell me a bit about your research, what can you say about the broad implications of colorism on societal health and risk?
In general, I study accountability and law enforcement, particularly in corrections and incarceration. My studies are funded by the National Institutes of Health. I focus on how employees or former employees who are addicted to opioids while they're incarcerated are connected to medical treatment for individuals that. I also study skin tone and how the shades of your skin impact your perception of justice and the criminal justice system.
So, what we know from literature beyond my own is that across space and time, and across social institutions, darker skinned people are more likely to experience negative and adverse outcomes throughout their lives. This idea is true in K-12 schools, it's true in college university settings, it's true when you're picking a partner i.e. attraction, and who's considered beautiful. It's true for who's more likely to get demoted or it's true of who receives higher salaries. Darker skinned people are just more likely to face negative outcomes altogether. So, in the carceral space, criminal justice space, and criminal legal space, it's also true that darker skinned people face longer sentences, and they're more likely to be assumed to be bad or evil. Overall, the darker your skin the more likely you are to face health issues as a result of racism throughout all societal institutions and life.
Can you tell me about your ongoing research about accountability in the justice system, specifically how accountability ties into the racial aspects of the criminal justice system?
In one of my studies, I found that there is no difference in the rate of punishment between black and white correctional staff when they engage in misconduct. There is, however, a difference in the intensity of punishments among officers, with African American correctional officers facing more intense punishments. So, what my accountability research does is propose theoretical framework to better understand and predict how prison institutions will respond to correctional employee behavior.
If somebody gets shot by the police, or if an incarcerated person gets sexually assaulted by a staff member. In these instances, we always blame individuals. We fire employees, we suspend employees, we punish employees, but we don't really include the institution in the conversation. What is the institution doing that would facilitate people thinking that it's okay, or they might get a pass? Particularly when you think about qualified immunity. All of these things happen where people are punished differently by the institution, even at the academic level, the teacher is more likely to suspend one kid while giving another kid a warning. The institutions are structurally protected by law from being exposed to sanctions and risk. What my research does is bring institutions into the conversation around accountability in a meaningful way. My research also finds that race matters in these situations; it is not something that pops up as statistically significant by happenstance.
How does COVID 19 as it was handled in prisons tie into issues of accountability?
Covid in the prison system was essentially classified as a containment issue. The structure of prisons and jails wasn't set up to handle this kind of sickness or contagion. In prisons, what you saw was they were responding to a stressful and dangerous situation without the structure and infrastructure to support a solid response. That population of incarcerated people are already much more likely to be sick and at risk than any other group of people, because of the conditions in which they live. The conditions in which they live aren't great to begin with, far from it, but COVID definitely exacerbated their living conditions. Then, many carceral institutions were breeding grounds for Covid because individuals go back and forth from prison to the outside world, particularly officers who went home at night, bringing disease back from the public. Essentially, the main point of my research about Covid in the carceral space, was to highlight this part of society that is often overlooked that was being seriously harmed by it. People in the carceral space really had no other options but to sit around and wait to get infected, with the resources and space there was really nothing they could do to prevent it.
Are there any recent publications that you are particularly proud of?
There is one that I published called 鈥淔**ked Up鈥, and that's a really important piece because what it does is blend a theoretical psychological framework and a criminology framework together to demonstrate the motivations behind students that plan to work in the criminal justice system. Mainly, how skin tone and identity influence people planning on working in the system. We ask, why are they motivated to work in the first place? So basically, I am teaching students every day in class that the criminal justice system is not that great, so why do these students still want to work in a system they know is flawed?
Some people say they are just interested in it. Some people are motivated for economic reasons. Though, there are some people that are motivated to go into a place and a system that they already know is broken because they think they can fix it. Some people are also led by their own personal trauma. I was really proud of this finding, because a lot of criminologists and psychologists believe that when certain fields talk about trauma, they only look at the negatives but rarely is it discussed as a pathway to something positive. Through interviewing 500 students, we found a certain number of people that said they wanted to work in the criminal justice field because of traumatic early life events, like seeing a family member get locked up.
What kind of insight did your work as a corrections officer give you about health in the prison system?
So, one of the stories I really like to tell in my classes is that I worked as a personnel officer after I graduated from UPenn with all this interdisciplinary knowledge. I had my degree, and I was really stoked to do real-life work. Then, during my work as a CO, there was this time when this woman who was incarcerated had a toothache. She was really in pain all over her mouth and screaming all night in agony. I was calling down to the medical every hour, asking somebody to come up here, to get somebody to help me, and they were like, 鈥淐arter, yeah yeah, we are coming.鈥 Then, I called again, 鈥淥kay, Carter, we heard you.鈥 Then I called again, 鈥淐arter, like, yo, chill out, like, we'll get there when we get there.鈥 Then I called again, and then finally, 鈥淪top calling, we鈥檒l get there when we get there鈥. I think I remember that experience so well because, you know, it's a traumatic thing, not being able to help this woman. As an individual, one little link in the system. I wanted to fix it, but I felt so helpless. It gave me perspective that intention doesn't translate to impact.
I was 22 when I graduated from UPenn and went into the field. I'm telling this lady, 鈥淗ey, I'm calling, I鈥檓 going to get some help, I'm going to get some help鈥 And I couldn't do a thing, I could not do anything. That was a really hard pill to swallow, I knew that I was raised to do what鈥檚 right. Though I had on a uniform, and I represented this system and I tried to fight for her, because she needed it. It was an emergency. That experience taught me that it's not just 鈥榙oes this place have enough resources?鈥 When you're actually a part of the system, you realize that you can have all the resources in the world but if the mindset of the individuals that work in a facility aren鈥檛 ones that believe in education, or believe in humanity, then it doesn't matter. The right thing won鈥檛 get done. The money won't go to the person who needs it. It doesn't matter if somebody was available, they weren't showing up. That's why my research focuses on practitioners instead of the people that are experienced in the system.
Dr. Ernesto Casta帽eda Associate Professor and Director of the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies, the Immigration Lab, and the Masters in Sociology, Research, and Practice
Interviewer: Sofia Guerra Oropeza
As scholars, we can study whatever we want; that is the beauty of social science and sociology in particular. We can study anything humans do. It gives us the freedom to choose what to study and what methods we use.
-Dr. Ernesto Casta帽eda
Read Dr. Casta帽eda's interview by Sofia Guerra Oropeza
What inspired you to conduct work on migration, urban issues, health disparities, marginalized populations, and social movements?聽
We, as scholars, can study whatever we want and that is the beauty of social science and sociology in particular. You can study anything that humans do. So that could be research on how we talk about science, how we talk about life, how we talk about politics, the economy, how people talk to each other. We have a lot of freedom to do what we do. And I love sociology because you can use any method. It is a very diverse discipline with different approaches. I love that! 聽
Immigrants are at the hands of unjust structures, and society creates unfair relations between e.g., the U.S. and Latin America. In the U.S. there is this space to talk about collective rights to improve the state of democracy in the nation, but simultaneously a lot of Latinos in the USA don't have rights, just because they were not born here, or came to the country the 鈥渨rong way,鈥 even if they have a job and pay taxes. This is not only a big problem for the people who are undocumented because they don't have rights. But how can we call ourselves a democracy when 3% of the population is seen as subhuman? So, part of my work is to try to change the way people think about these issues and negate stereotypes and the dehumanization of immigrants and other stigmatized groups. All so that American citizens can demand that governments do better for minorities, and thus strengthen U.S. democracy and its value of equality. In the end, it's a win-win for the U.S.A. and immigrants. 聽
In what ways does your work incorporate or apply social science concepts, theories, and/or methods? How do these elements contribute to the understanding of your research?
In the Immigration Lab and the Center for Latin American & Latino Studies (CLALS), we don鈥檛 use any one method or theory, in particular. We think in terms of problems, practical conundrums, and policy issues. Not knowing is the driving force of our research. We ask the questions and then find ways to incorporate the best methods to get the needed empirical data. What methods do you use? What data do you use? Well, it depends on which are the best methods to answer the research question at hand. Sometimes it is related to what data is available that can be used in imaginative ways. For example, two students and I finished a report a few days ago based on widely available data on remittances. From there we calculated that immigrants sending remittances home contributed through the gains to their employers at least 2.2 trillion dollars鈥o close to 10% of the U.S. GDP. That is something that can be part of the public discussion. So, the method that drove this report was a very simple mathematical exercise. It is an exercise that a sixth grader could do, and that's great because then the audience can understand it easily. The real question, which is not easy to answer, is the scale of immigrants鈥 contributions to the economy.
In what ways has your identity helped to shape the understanding of your work?
A lot. As a Mexican American and Latino living in DC, I am discovering much information just by living my life. I'm learning a lot about El Salvador, Cuba, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, etc., from Latin Americans living in the DMV. Speaking in Spanish and having friendships with people of other nationalities makes it easier to understand others' Latin identities. It is difficult to understand a new Latin diasporic group, even if we are all Latinos because each national culture is still different, but being Latino makes the 鈥渒nowledge distance鈥 shorter. Nonetheless, the job of a sociologist is to tell people to think twice about something that is very commonly said, something that people think is true, and be like, be careful- do we really know that? Is that really true? Questioning your own beliefs, or assumptions, or why I think what I think. Some disciplines and some classes tell you not to use 鈥淚鈥 or 鈥渨e鈥 when writing. That you shouldn鈥檛 use the first person when you are writing. In my books and articles, I use it all the time because, yeah, at the end of the day, you are the author. Your gender, age, nationality, etc., are going to shape the way you see the world. And it's okay. At the same time, experiential and narrative knowledge should be contrasted and verified with other types of information and with formal research projects.
In what way do you believe that your research is adding to the conversation of health, risk, and societal aspects?
In the health conversation, I鈥檓 adding to the conversation about the wisdom of putting Hispanics (and other races and ethnicities) in a 鈥渂ox鈥 or into a category. Hispanics are a very diverse community, so some work that I'm doing is trying to show how creating categories discriminates against people who are not considered to be in these categories. This can affect health policies and access to health care. In an ideal scenario, refining categorization can prevent readers from distorting health disparities research. This helps avoid reinforcing racial stereotypes related to genetics and disease and the biological-centric approaches that overlook the broader social, economic, environmental, and political factors impacting health outcomes. I'm trying to add a theoretical discussion to that conversation.
Then, when it comes to risk, it's something very interesting. I have a book I am working on out of the Critical Social Thought class that I have taught for many years; in that class, we have an ongoing topic theme about how people in the U.S., regardless of origin, tend to try to control everything. We often assume that we can plan for the future and that we can have expectations about the future. That trajectories are linear and can be planned. However, social things are random and unexpected, and we cannot plan them. We have to remember though that a plan is just a guess and approximation. Getting to risk is related to the tendency that we have to think we know what will happen. The pandemic was a great example because it forced us to see that many things are out of our control and are completely unexpected. The pandemic showed us that suddenly we may have to change our everyday life routines. It again became obvious that we depend on other people for things like food. I was hoping that after the pandemic, people would be less determined in planning and forecasting. It鈥檚 this teleological thinking that you are going to arrive at this perfect destination soon or eventually, but it's not the case. It is a back-and-forth process. For example, two steps further and then one step back for people's rights, then three steps back. It is not a linear trajectory. Sociologists should be able to understand non-linear trajectories, and that is why it is important that in CHRS, there is that part about risk in the name and approach. It is also about the different probabilities of some illnesses happening to particular demographics.
What advice would you give to a student who wants to conduct research on the areas of your expertise?
That's an easy answer for me, and I tell everybody about it. The best, and maybe the only way to know how to do research, is to do it and revise and do some more research. Not just to take method courses, but to actually get engaged in a research project. And it is not the research that is done for a 鈥渞esearch paper鈥 for a class. That is not the type of research that professors are doing for a living. We do much more engaged research, one that is often done in teams, done collectively, sometimes co-authored. It goes through cycles of peer review. A lot of people critique it before it is allowed to see the day of light. So, I invite anybody who is interested, regardless of academic background and existing expertise, to come to work with us in CHRS as well as in the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies or the Immigration Lab.
How to do research is very hard to learn in the abstract. Most people learn it the hard way, such as in a doctoral program, by trial and error. Or once they're in the first job, and failing and feeling bad and thinking, 鈥淥h, I wish somebody had told me that that is the way to do it.鈥 That is the way we do research at the lab and the masters in sociology (SORP). Rather than me talking to you and lecturing about how it should be done, you are part of a team struggling through the research process and receiving and providing continuous feedback. You are not so much my research assistant; you are part of a big team that is doing work over many semesters, and that work may become a book, an article, or a report that maybe one day the media is going to cover because it addresses a problem of general concern in an original and useful manner, reframing the conversation in more productive ways.
Dr. Caroline KuoAssociate Professor and Director of the Youth and Family Resilience and Well-Being Lab
Interviewer: Maggie Cox
Throughout my work on HIV in South Africa, sexual violence came up as a theme time and time again. I observed the interconnectedness of health outcomes such as HIV, sexual violence, PTSD, and substance abuse. I became inspired to address the root cause of sexual violence. I recognize the ethical and scientific difficulties of this work, but also acknowledge the importance of prevention.
-Dr. Caroline Kuo
Read Dr. Kuo's interview by Maggie Cox
Why is sexual violence, specifically in South Africa, of interest to you?
Throughout my work on HIV in South Africa, sexual violence came up as a theme time and time again. I observed the interconnectedness of health outcomes such as HIV, sexual violence, PTSD, and substance abuse. I became inspired to address the root cause of sexual violence. I recognize the ethical and scientific difficulties of this work, but also acknowledge the importance of prevention.聽聽
Are there any kinds of frameworks or theories of change that can best be applied to this behavior change?
There is a current 鈥渢oolbox鈥 for sexual violence programs in South Africa that is mostly risk reduction focused. Although these programs are still essential to addressing sexual violence, I hope to expand the toolbox to include preventative measures. My team and I also implemented the correcting misperceived social norms theory into our research. I realized that peer groups are very important to this demographic and the school environment appeared to be the center for this theory, as it was a space where peer influence on young people鈥檚 decisions around relationships, sexual health, and violence naturally tended to be.聽
Can you please share more about the sexual violence poster campaign that actively tackles the perceived norms around sexual violence?
I used combination-level interventions, which include working with structural influences and individual behaviors. There was already a sexual health behavior program, Safe South Africa, implemented in schools. To expand upon Safe South Africa, we created an intervention poster campaign that corrected perceived norms about sexual violence within the school environment. These posters highlighted how most students understood the negative effects of sexual violence but believed their peers were more accepting of violent behaviors. The poster campaign was implemented in life orientation classes, where students discussed how most of their peers shared a comprehensive outlook on sexual violence compared to their initial beliefs. Students learned about safe sex practices like condom use and sexual negotiation strategies in these classes as well. However, addressing social norms does not always result in behavior change. It is also essential to apply changes in health perceptions to educational practices.
What would the differences be in prevention programs targeted at young boys versus young women?
The intervention was focused on perpetration rates by young men, but all students were surveyed for their perceptions of sexual violence. We found that young men鈥檚 perceptions of sexual violence can be influenced by how their peers reinforce norms. Interventions addressing young women鈥檚 perpetration rates are similar but must be tailored to consider concepts of womanhood in South Africa. Gender-segregated spaces are also crucial to ensuring open discussions regarding sex.聽
What are the current projects you are working on?
My research still focuses on addressing violence, HIV, and mental health within South Africa. My team and I are working on a large implementation study where we train HIV clinicians on how to screen, intervene and refer patients with problematic alcohol use. We are also analyzing whether clinicians are able to effectively take up this strategy.
Thurka SangaramoorthyProfessor and聽Department Chair, Department of Anthropology, 麻豆视频
Interviewer: Kacia Flynn
[S]ome of my research has also explored people who have decision making power that dictates the social conditions we have, compared to solely exploring the experiences of the marginalized. My work in HIV has revealed that it has a lot to do with institutional power, similar to how migrant work is about how health outcomes are shaped by capitalism and the influence of the state.
-Dr. Thurka Sangaramoorthy
Read Dr. Sangaramoorthy's interview by Kacia Flynn
Can you share a little about your journey into anthropology and global health?
Reflecting on my journey, my experiences migrating to the United States at a young age marked my perspectives of the United States and the world. In the beginning of my undergraduate career, I was primarily interested in medicine and health, but found that my courses were pulling me toward the social sciences. Specifically, I as learned of the ways that social environments influence health. My post undergrad experience working with individuals impacted by the HIV epidemic before ARTs in Sub-Saharan Africa, inspired me to make an impact through public health. My foundational experiences in academia, program management, and the government have been crucial in shaping my interdisciplinary approach. My own experiences as well as my research and professional endeavors in cultural and medical anthropology continue to inform my perspectives and methodologies.聽聽
How does your perspective on power and subjectivity influence your research and work in cultural and medical anthropology?
My research focuses on vulnerable and marginalized communities, but also extends beyond that. There has been a notable shift in research in the field of anthropology, considering that the focus has moved away from examining populations in isolation. For example, some of my research has also explored people who have decision making power that dictates the social conditions we have, compared to solely exploring the experiences of the marginalized. My work in HIV has revealed that it has a lot to do with institutional power, similar to how migrant work is about how health outcomes are shaped by capitalism and the influence of the state. It is important to acknowledge how these social conditions are created, making both analyses [of people in power and the marginalized] essential to a clear understanding of what is happening.
What is your primary discipline and how would you explain the issues that your scholarship and projects aim to understand?
My work is highly interdisciplinary, drawing from cultural and medical anthropology, public health, and global health. My primary focuses are on infectious disease, migrant and refugee health, and environmental-policy related work which examines environmental health disparities. A large portion of my research often examines the health outcomes of populations that are overlooked which encompasses migrants, refugees and Black immigrants living with HIV.聽聽
Can you share the nature and scope of your current projects? What does your work in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, look like at the moment?
I originally moved to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in 2019 to conduct social science work. There, I initially examined the influence of climate change on food, nutrition, and public health within the region. Today, I am still living and working in Ethiopia through the U.S. Department of State. Since 2019, my work has shifted as I am now a refugee coordinator, coordinating the U.S. refugee response for Sudan and South Sudan. While rapid climate change continuously impacts the work I do here, I primarily deal with issues regarding conflict and displacement within the region. At 麻豆视频, I am a professor in the Department of Anthropology and also collaborate with colleagues in the School of International Service.聽
What is your favorite part about the work you do?
My favorite part of my work is talking to people. My work requires me to interact with policy makers in Washington, DC and Addis Ababa. I draw strength from speaking with refugees in Ethiopia and South Sudan. My research is based on my commitment to lived experiences and fostering meaningful relationships. This is not just work, these experiences I work with are very close to my own life. There is a familiarity between my own and their [refugees] experiences. For some, personal and professional lives are very different, but not for me. Experiential learning doesn鈥檛 make life easier, but I recognize that my perspective enriches my work in academia and everyday life.